GRE阅读Passage 23
In his recent book, Louis Gerteis argues that nineteenth-century Northern reformers in the United States attacked slavery in the South by invoking the values of a utilitarian political economy: proper public policy requires government to endorse anything that gives all people the opportunity to maximize their individual pleasure and their material gain. Social good, according to this thinking, is achieved when individuals are free to pursue their self-interests. Gerteis argues that, since slavery in the South precluded individual autonomy and the free pursuit of material gain, major Northern reformers opposed it as early as the 1830s. In making this argument, Gerteis offers the most persuasive formulation to date of the Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation, which argues that a slow but steady evolution of a broad-based Northern antislavery coalition culminated in the presidential victory of the antislavery Lincoln in 1860. This interpretive framework, which once dominated antislavery historiography, had beendiscounted by historians for two basic reasons. First, it tended to homogenize the political diversity of Northern reformers; Northern reformers differed significantly among themselves and belonged to diverse political parties. Second, it seemed incompatible with emerging scholarship on the slaveholding South, which held that Northern abolitionists of the 1830s did not succeed in mobilizing Northern public opinion and paving the way for Lincoln in 1860. Instead, Southern slaveholders misconstrued abolitionist views of the 1830s as main- stream rather than marginal Northern public opinion, and castigated Northerners generally for opposing slavery. In this view, it was the castigation by Southerners that gradually caused widespread antislavery feeling throughout the North. Gerteis revives the Growth interpretation by asserting that, rather than Southern attitudes, the unified commitment of Northern reformers to utilitarian values served to galvanize popular political support for abolitionism. However, unlike earlier proponents of the Growth interpretation, Gerteis does not reduce the Northern reformers to a homogeneous group or try to argue that the reformers shared views undermined their differing party loyalties. Members of the two major political parties still attacked each other for ideological differences. Nevertheless, Gerteis argues, these disparate party affiliations did not diminish the actuality of reformer unity, most prominent in the 1830s. At this time, Northern reformers, such as William Lloyd Garrison and Samuel Chase, portrayed the framers of the United States Constitution as proponents of individual autonomy and capitalist values. This vision of the founders served as a basis for asserting that freedom was a national moral imperative, and that the United Sates Constitution was an antislavery document. Gerteis differs from traditional adherents of the Growth framework by asserting that the basic elements in the antislavery coalition were firmly in place and accepted by all elements in the Northern reform community as early as the late 1830s.文章解析
第一自然段:
In his recent book, Louis Gerteis argues that nineteenth-century Northern reformers in the United States attacked slavery in the South by invoking the values of a utilitarian political economy: proper public policy requires government to endorse anything that gives all people the opportunity to maximize their individual pleasure and their material gain. Social good, according to this thinking, is achieved when individuals are free to pursue their self-interests. Gerteis argues that, since slavery in the South precluded individual autonomy and the free pursuit of material gain, major Northern reformers opposed it as early as the 1830s. 白话版讲解: Louis Gerteis最近出了一本书,在书中,他提出理由想证明这样一种观点(argue):19世纪美国北方的主张改革的人(reformers)通过求助于(invoke)实用政治经济学的价值观来攻击南方的奴隶制。这种价值观就是:“任何事情,只要能够给所有人最大化自己的个人满足和物质利益的机会,政府都应该批准。这才是适宜的公共政策”。而当(社会中的)个体可以自由追逐自己的利益时,就能实现社会利益(的增加)。(所以政府应该批准社会中的个体获得自由)。但南方的奴隶制却阻挠个体获得自由、自由地去追求物质利益,所以南方的奴隶制不是适宜的公共政策。因为这个原因,北方的主张改革的人反对南方的奴隶制。而且,这种反对早在1830年代就开始了。 注解: argue vt. (为支持某一想法、行动或理论而)提出理由(或证据)(多用于说服他人同意自己观点) give reasons or cite evidence in support of an idea, action, or theory, typically with the aim of persuading others to share one's view 简单地说,argue我们可以翻译成“主张、认为”,那我们也要知道,说“谁argues that……”,意思就是说谁不仅提出了一个观点,还提出了很多理由和证据来支持这个观点。第二自然段第一部分:
In making this argument, Gerteis offers the most persuasive formulation to date of the Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation, which argues that a slow but steady evolution of a broad-based Northern antislavery coalition culminated in the presidential victory of the antislavery Lincoln in 1860. 白话版讲解: 在进行上述论证时,Gerteis对关于本来就有的一个理论给出了迄今为止(to date)最有说服力的表述(formulation)。这个理论就是Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation。这个理论认为,在北方,(从1830年代开始到)逐渐而稳定地形成了一个基础很广的反奴隶制的势力的联合,这个势力的联合在林肯(林肯是反对奴隶制的)于1860年获得总统大选时达到了顶峰。 注解: formulation n. 某种思想或理论的某种具体表述 a particular expression of an idea, thought, or theory第二自然段第二部分话:
This interpretive framework, which once dominated antislavery historiography, had been discounted by historians for two basic reasons. First, it tended to homogenize the political diversity of Northern reformers; Northern reformers differed significantly among themselves and belonged to diverse political parties. Second, it seemed incompatible with emerging scholarship on the slaveholding South, which held that Northern abolitionists of the 1830s did not succeed in mobilizing Northern public opinion and paving the way for Lincoln in 1860. 白话版讲解: 这个诠释框架(指Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation),曾经一度在关于反奴隶制的历史书写中占据首要地位,但是后来历史学家们又都否定(不再考虑)这个理论了。他们之所以否定这个理论,主要有两个基本的原因。第一个原因是,这种理论倾向于把北方主张改革的人的政治多样性搞均匀(即忽视他们的political diversity),而实际上北方的主张改革的人内部是有很大不同的,且他们属于不同的多个政党。这种做法是错的,所以那个Growth of a Dissenting Minority理论错了。第二个原因是,新出现了一些研究推行蓄奴制的南方的学者,他们认为在1830年代,北方的废奴主义者(abolitionist)是想动员北方民众的,想为林肯在1860年赢得大选创造条件,但是他们并没有成功。所以认为“是北方的abolitionist的动员搞成了一个coalition”的那种观点(即Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation),错了。第三自然段:
Instead, Southern slaveholders misconstrued abolitionist views of the 1830s as main- stream rather than marginal Northern public opinion, and castigated Northerners generally for opposing slavery. In this view, it was the castigation by Southerners that gradually caused widespread antislavery feeling throughout the North. 白话版讲解: (这些新出的研究南方的学者)认为,恰恰相反,北方的coalition形成的原因是这样的:在1830年代,当时南方的奴隶主搞错了,误以为当时北方的abolitionist是北方的主流(其实当时这些abolitionist只是边缘群体)了,误认为北方人普遍反对奴隶制,于是就严厉责骂全部北方人。然后北方人(觉得这种castigation是冤枉他们了,就对南方人很反感),于是在北方就真的出现了广泛的反奴隶制情绪。第四自然段:
Gerteis revives the Growth interpretation by asserting that, rather than Southern attitudes, the unified commitment of Northern reformers to utilitarian values served to galvanize popular political support for abolitionism. However, unlike earlier proponents of the Growth interpretation, Gerteis does not reduce the Northern reformers to a homogeneous group or try to argue that the reformers shared views undermined their differing party loyalties. Members of the two major political parties still attacked each other for ideological differences. 白话版讲解: 那个Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation本来已经被抛弃了,Gerteis却使得这种理论重获(历史学家)的兴趣,他坚称:激起大众在政治上支持abolitionist的,不是南方人对北方人的态度,而是北方的主张改革的人全都信奉了(第一自然段提到的那种)实用主义价值观。不过,早些时候支持Growth of a Dissenting Minority interpretation的历史学家,把北方主张改革的人的复杂情况简化,把他们简单地归为一个同质的群体;或认为这些主张改革人的有些共同的观点,以至于削弱了他们对各自所属党派的忠诚(以至于他们内部一团和气)。Gerteis没有像那些历史学家一样,他承认:在在那些主张改革的人内部,分属两大党派的人是会因为关于政治经济思想体系不同而互相攻击的。第五自然段第一部分:
Nevertheless, Gerteis argues, these disparate party affiliations did not diminish the actuality of reformer unity, most prominent in the 1830s. At this time, Northern reformers, such as William Lloyd Garrison and Samuel Chase, portrayed the framers of the United States Constitution as proponents of individual autonomy and capitalist values. This vision of the founders served as a basis for asserting that freedom was a national moral imperative, and that the United Sates Constitution was an antislavery document. 白话版讲解: 不过,Gerteis又说,北方主张改革的人内部存在的不同党派,并没有减损他们的实际团结。这种团结在1830年代尤其显著。在这一时期,北方主张改革的人(如William Lloyd Garrison 和 Samuel Chase)大都将起草美国宪法的人描绘为支持个人自治(自由)和(自由)资本主义价值观的人(即反对奴隶制的人)。其实这只是他们把国父们构想成会这样(真实情况没有这么简单,也可以把国父们构想成不是这样的人)。以这种构想(vison)为基础,就可以进一步坚称:实现(人人)自由是美国在道德上的义务,美国宪法是一个反奴隶制的文件。 第五自然段第二部分话: Gerteis differs from traditional adherents of the Growth framework by asserting that the basic elements in the antislavery coalition were firmly in place and accepted by all elements in the Northern reform community as early as the late 1830s. 白话版讲解: Gerteis和那些传统的赞同Growth of a Dissenting Minority理论的历史学家又有另一个不同。Gerteis坚称,早在1830年代末期,反奴隶制联盟的一些基本群体已经牢牢地就位,且已被北方提倡改革的大群内所有小群体接受了。 注解: element n.(常作 elements) 某群人或组织中的一组,一伙 a group of people of a particular kind within a larger group or organization 例句: Those are the extreme right-wing elements in the army. 那些人是军队中的极端右翼分子。题目解析
1. The passage is primarily concerned with A. criticizing adherents of a traditional view for overlooking important data. B. reconciling two different explanations for the same phenomenon. C. describing a reformulation of a traditional interpretation. D. advocating a traditional approach to a controversial subject. E. suggesting that a new interpretation is based on faulty assumptions. 点击空白处查看答案 ▼




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